(I forgot about the NYT article that dropped about Roberts having people sign non-disclosure agreements. But that was a voluntary policy already and there still will be leaks.
How much really does that change things? We are concerned about other stuff, aren't we? On that, Vladeck is correct in his Thursday Substack.)
Term Limits
Rep. Tom Barrett (R-MI), a first term Republican, proposed a Supreme Court term limit amendment as part of a wider reform package. The overall package sounds dubious but I'm okay with people seriously trying to reform the government.
The term limit amendment would set a twenty-year limit. A term limited judge could still be confirmed for another level of the judiciary. Sotomayor was both a district and court of appeals judge. A person could theoretically serve sixty years.
The amendment, as all realistic reforms are likely to be, only applies in the future. No current judge or justice would be term limited. This underlines how a term limit, however fine it is, and I support them, will not by itself be enough.
Barrett wants to tie this with a set nine on the Supreme Court. Why should the Supreme Court, which has gone up and down from a 5-10 justice range (five never came to pass and ten was short lived) be set at some specific number?
Republicans repeatedly are expanding state courts. This doesn't make it ideal. They do multiple bad things. But stopping any chance of expansion has to bring with it something worth the candle.
Term limits aren't enough.
I am open to a compromise but one where the Democratic supported reform kicks in over twenty years from now (twenty years after the amendment is ratified) is not enough. For instance, we need an ethics bill. Any reform package is likely to have something I dislike. But need more.
He also wants a supermajority amendment (2/3) to add new states. A bill banning mid-term restricting is fine. See below. This part is unconstitutional:
The bill would also require that only U.S. citizens are counted toward district apportionment and electoral votes. The census would still count all persons for other purposes.
(14A, sec. 2 says "persons" should be counted for apportionment purposes. That includes "district" apportionment. This rule would result in different districts being treated differently depending on the types of persons they have. No good.)
Overall, it should be part of a wider voting rights bill. The three-year sunset funding idea seems too overinclusive. I am, however, game in having a debate to have Congress truly control the power of the purse. Trump has stolen it.
Partisan Gerrymandering
The Supreme Court (5-4) in Rucho v. Common Cause (2019) finally bit the bullet.
After years of Justice Kennedy hemming and hawing, his successor provided the fifth vote. Federal courts will not try to determine unconstitutional partisan gerrymandering. State courts can use state constitutional provisions. And some have.
Justice Kagan for the liberals had a strong dissent. And I understand. What truly annoyed me was that the conservatives were not consistent.
They took away congressional power in Shelby County v. Holder to enforce the Fifteenth Amendment using vibes. If you want judicial restraint, do so consistently, please.
Federal courts can still determine that districting involves illegitimate racial gerrymandering. A lower court determined that was involved in Texas. The justices by a partisan vote overturned.
Texas clearly had a partisan gerrymander. But that is functionally acceptable now when federal judges address the matter. Justice Alito has moved the goalposts and suggested they are generally acceptable. That, however, is not what Rucho said.
The state, pushed by the Trump Administration which the lower court (written by a Trump nominee) found motivated by race, also redistricted mid-decade. The Constitution sets districting every ten years.
It is not explicitly barred to do so mid-decade, but a case can be made. The whole thing has a race to the bottom feel. And Democrats, using the realistic motto that unilateral disarmament is for wussies, respond tit-for-tat. California for Texas. And so on.
If you allow Texas to redistrict to help Republicans win the midterms, there is no good reason to stop California from doing so to help the Democrats. People cynically figured SCOTUS would find a way.
They, without comment, did not grant a request to do so. Rick Hasen is happy and not too surprised. (Maybe, he is that no justice said anything.) SCOTUSblog has more on the details.
Ultimately, this is depressing. We need nationwide election reform, including something that addresses partisan gerrymandering and mid-term redistricting. A national rule is necessary to avoid a race to the bottom. That is typical national rule dynamics.
We can debate the details, including what the current Supreme Court will deem appropriate under Shelby v. Holder. But this is not a good way to run a railroad.
Everything can be on the table. For instance, perhaps it is a good idea to expand the size of the House, which was set in place over a hundred years ago. Or some form of multimember districting is a good idea.
Voting rights and overall republican principles should be something we can establish in a bipartisan fashion. Yes, I know, insert sarcastic metaphor here.
The point still holds. Rep. Barrett's package might not be my cup of tea. But young Republicans who will be around a long time, perhaps, willing to think creatively with some room for compromise are welcomed.
If sane people (Democrats at the moment) gain control, they very well might have a chance to be part of the solution. I'm serious.
Any major change realistically needs some sort of bipartisan support to have staying power. A supermajority (see PPACA) might provide some chance, but when we are talking things like SCOTUS reform, we probably need more.


